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Home / Business / Huawei hovers in Russia as Putin engages in new 'technological war'

Huawei hovers in Russia as Putin engages in new 'technological war'




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Never one to shy away from a weapons of war, Russian President Vladimir Putin has nipped around the edges of Washington's battle with Chinese tech giant Huawei for months, in June, at the St Petersburg International Economic Forum, Putin met China's President Xi Jinping and technology was high on the agenda . The United States for "bravely forcing Huawei from the global market", adding that "in some circles it is even called the first technological war of the coming digital era."

Six months ahead, and November started Putin took a gloomy page from China's technological copybook. The launch of RuNet – Russia's sovereign internet law – provides a theoretical killer switch to disconnect Russia's Internet from the world wide web, and which basically one returns to a domestic DNS setup. This has been presented as a defense against US cyberattacks, but the real enemies are much closer to home. The technology is likely to be a weapon for censorship, surveillance and surveillance.

The fear in Russia is that the state intends to emulate China's “Great Firewall,” with an “Iron Cyber ​​Curtain.” Digital parallels for the real world. A spokesman for Human Rights Watch warned that Moscow could "directly censor content or even turn Russia's internet into a closed system – this puts the risk of people in Russia to freedom of speech and information online." The mandate for ISPs and telecommunications to install state hardware is a pretty dull surveillance door Apparently to provide this domestic cut, the technology can clearly perform other functions.

Back in June, in St. Petersburg, Putin and Xi's political detours discussed the so-called Splintern, where the technology wedge was driven between East and West – a generation of globalization standards for devices, networks and applications hanging in the balance. Surprisingly, China's foremost technology master was a factor in these discussions. After the meeting, Huawei secured its role in Russia's 5G rollout. According to reports, these discussions also touched on the potential of Huawei to use a Russian smartphone OS ( Aurora ) as an Android alternative – though speculation that this would become more widespread since has diminished and the potential for some joint production cooperation.

At the end of October, I reported that Huawei's smartphone business had secured an "extraordinary" 42% share of the home Chinese market, generating 66% sales growth. According to a report by Nikkei citing research from M.Video-Eldorado, Huawei growth in Russia is not far behind, with 37% of the market. While there are different sets of analysis regarding actual shipments in Russia, it is clear that Huawei is on one of its growth tears. According to Counterpoint the Chinese giant in the last quarter of 2017 had only 13% of the Russian market. One year later, the market share doubled.

Just like in China, Huawei is breaking the Russian market by pushing its value units – in this case under the Honor brand. And this is not the only investment it makes. Huawei trains the locals as part of its 5G infrastructure development. "Huawei is spending its own money," an executive at a Moscow software house told Nikkei, "to train Russian citizens on how they can use advanced technologies and give them an opportunity to participate in product development on a global scale." The company plans to meet 10,000 such local technicians over five years.

So what about security concerns about Huawie's alleged links to China? "It's a joke among Russian technicians," Nikkei's software director explained, "if you use Apple, Washington is listening to your calls. If you're using Huawei, Beijing is listening to your calls. What's better?" I asked the same question earlier this year to the Moscow CIO and Prime Minister Eduard Lysenko. "The Russian Federation," he said "has strict information security rules that we always follow." As I said back then, Russia and Washington have different views on the threat to national security from Huawi's alleged intelligence relations with Beijing.

Looking back on the details, it is hardly surprising that Huawei has been a beneficiary of the warming relationship between China and Russia. There are practical considerations here, Russia does not have a Huawei equivalent, but it has a strong production base that the Chinese can access. It also has a strong domestic market and a strong sphere of influence. From a security perspective, however, there are some other considerations. Strengthening research and development relations, Huawi's access to Russian institutions, another market that helps the Chinese giant secure the stomach of the blacklist.

However, the real problems are twofold – one political, one technical. The position Huawei is building for itself in Russia can be seen as illustrative of the ties between the two countries, ties that include elements of defense and security cooperation. And this leads to technical considerations. From a cybersecurity perspective, there are implications from Russia and China working together on the top of a tech champion with a presence in 170 countries – which basically states itself. And let us remember that while Russia excels in the nation's abusive cyber capabilities when it comes to mass population surveillance, no one comes close to the machine China has built for itself.

China-Russia relations have ebbed and flowed over the years. In June, Putin and Xi signed a joint statement to confirm that "the China-Russian relationship has entered a new era and is facing new opportunities for greater development." As reported by China's state media, "The goal of such a new type of partnership is for both sides to provide more support to one another as they seek to take their own development paths, preserve respective core interests and protect sovereignty and territorial integrity."

From a technological security perspective, behind all of this remains a risk that the US current influence on global standards will begin to decline if a more independent ecosystem can be developed. Cue business tie-ups that provide a new frontier for Chinese giants like Tencent and Alibaba, not just Huawei. Cue the Splinternet and Technology Cold War debates. Cue collaboration on elements of defense technology and AI.

If Huawei's battle with Washington is truly "the first technological war of the coming digital era ", you can be sure Putin will do everything he can to exploit its political implications and set the results in favor of Ru ssland's own political goals. Huawei, meanwhile, would like to increase sales, production and research cooperation, the extra political support. All of this will give a thought break among those in the United States who are considering the long-term implications of such traits.

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Never one to shy away from a gunfire, Russian President Vladimir Putin has squatted around the edges of Washington's battle with Chinese tech giant Huawei for In June, at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, Putin met with China's President Xi Jinping, and technology was high on the agenda, and Putin used the event to accuse the United States of "bravely forcing Huawei from the global market," adding that " in some circles it is even called the first technological war of the coming digital era. ”

Fast forward six months, and November has started with Putin taking a gloomy page from China's textbook. The launch of RuNet – Russia's sovereign internet law – provides a theoretical killer switch to disconnect Russia's internet from the world wide web, and essentially go back to a domestic DNS setup. This has been presented as a defense against American cyberattacks, but the real enemies are much closer to home. The technology is likely to be a weapon for censorship, surveillance and surveillance.

The fear in Russia is that the state intends to emulate China's “Great Firewall,” with an “Iron Cyber ​​Curtain.” Digital parallels for the real world. A spokesman for Human Rights Watch warned that Moscow could "directly censor content or even turn Russia's internet into a closed system – this puts people in Russia at risk of free speech and information on the Internet." The mandate for ISPs and telcos Installing state hardware is a pretty dull surveillance door. Apparently to provide this domestic cut, the technology can clearly perform other functions.

Back in June, in St. Petersburg, Putin and Xi's political detours discussed the so-called Splintern, where the technology wedge was driven between East and West – a generation of globalization standards for devices, networks and applications hanging in the balance. Surprisingly, China's foremost technology master was a factor in these discussions. After the meeting, Huawei secured its role in Russia's 5G rollout. According to reports, these discussions also touched on the potential for Huawei to use a Russian smartphone operating system (Aurora) as an Android alternative – though speculation that this will become more widespread since then, and the potential for some joint production collaboration. [19659004] At the end of October, I reported that Huawei smartphone business had secured an "extraordinary" 42% share of the home Chinese market, generating 66% sales growth. According to a Nikkei report citing research from M.Video-Eldorado, Huawei's growth in Russia is not far behind, with 37% of the market. While there are different sets of analysis for actual shipments in Russia, it is clear that Huawei is on one of its growth tears. According to Counterpoint, the Chinese giant in the last quarter of 2017 had only 13% of the Russian market. One year later, the market share doubled.

Just like in China, Huawei is breaking the Russian market by pushing its value units – in this case under the Honor brand. And this is not the only investment it makes. Huawei trains the locals as part of its 5G infrastructure development. "Huawei is spending its own money," an executive at a Moscow software house told Nikkei, "to train Russian citizens on how to use advanced technologies and give them an opportunity to participate in product development on a global scale." The company plans to train 10,000 such local technicians over five years.

So what about security concerns about Huawie's alleged links to China? "It's a joke among Russian technicians," software exec explained to Nikkei, "if you use Apple, Washington listens to your calls. If you use Huawei, Beijing listens to your calls. What's better?" I asked the same question earlier this year to the Moscow CIO and Prime Minister Eduard Lysenko. "The Russian Federation," he said, "has strict information security rules that we always follow." As I said back then, Russia and Washington have different views on the threat to Huawi's national security. alleged intelligence relations with Beijing.

Looking back on the details, it is hardly surprising that Huawei has been a recipient of the warming relationship between China and Russia. Practical considerations here, Russia does not have a Huawei equivalent, but it has a strong production base that the Chinese can access. It also has a strong domestic market and a strong sphere of influence. From a security perspective, there are some other considerations. Strengthening research and development relations, Huawi's access to Russian institutions, another market that helps the Chinese giant secure the blacklist damage. [1 9659004] But ultimately, the real issues are twofold – a political one, a technical one. The position Huawei is building for itself in Russia can be seen as illustrative of the ties between the two countries, ties that include elements of defense and security cooperation. And this leads to technical considerations. From a cybersecurity perspective, there are implications from Russia and China working together on the top of a tech champion with a presence in 170 countries – which basically states itself. And let's remember that while Russia excels in the nation's abusive cyber capabilities, when it comes to monitoring population numbers, no one comes close to the machine China has built for itself.

China-Russia relations have ebbed and flowed over the years. In June, Putin and Xi signed a joint statement to confirm that "the China-Russian relationship has entered a new era and is facing new opportunities for greater development." As reported by China's state media, "the goal of such a new type of partnership is for both sides to give more support to each other as they seek to take their own development paths, preserve respective core interests and protect sovereignty and territorial integrity. ”

From a technology security perspective, behind all this remains a risk that America's current influence on global standards will begin to decline if a more independent ecosystem can be developed. Cue business ties that set a new boundary for Chinese giants like Tencent and Alibaba, not just Huawei. Cue the Splinternet and Technology Cold War debates. Cue collaboration on elements from defense technology and AI.

If Huawei's fight with Washington is truly "the first technological war of the coming digital era", you can be sure Putin will do everything he can to exploit its political implications and set the results in favor of Russia's own political goals . Huawei, meanwhile, would like to increase sales, production and research cooperation, the extra political support. All of this will give a thought break among those in the United States who are considering the long-term implications of such traits.


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